دانلود کتاب A Grammar of Neverver

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Acknowledgements\nTable of contents\nTables and figures\nAbbreviations\nMaps\n1. Introduction\n 1.1. Geographic and linguistic context\n 1.1.1. Limap village\n 1.1.2. Lingarakh village\n 1.1.3. Multilingual interactions\n 1.2. Historical origins\n 1.2.2. Early work on Neverver\n 1.3. An evaluation of language vitality\n 1.3.2. Language statistics and transmission patterns\n 1.3.3. Domains of use\n 1.3.3.1. Religion\n 1.3.3.2. Education\n 1.3.3.3. Media\n 1.3.4. Language support\n 1.3.4.1. Local support\n 1.3.4.2. Official support\n 1.3.5. Literacy development and language documentation\n 1.4. Emerging vernacular literacy practices\n 1.4.2. Literacy in religion\n 1.4.3. Literacy in entertainment\n 1.4.4. Literacy in education\n 1.5. Documenting Neverver\n 1.5.2. Working with the Neverver speech community\n 1.5.3. Describing Neverver\n2. Phonology\n 2.0. Introduction\n 2.1. The consonant inventory\n 2.2. Distinctive features for Neverver consonants\n 2.3. Consonant contrasts\n 2.3.1. Nasals /m, n, q/\n 2.3.2. Plain plosives /p, t, k/\n 2.3.2.1. The /p/ segment\n 2.3.2.2. The /t/ and /k/ segments\n 2.3.3. Prenasalized plosives /b, d, g/\n 2.3.4. The prenasalized bilabial trill /B/\n 2.3.5. Plain fricatives /β, s, γ/\n 2.3.6. The prenasalized affricate /ʤ/\n 2.3.7. Liquids /r, l/\n 2.3.8. The prenasalized alveolar trill /D/\n 2.3.8.1. Consonant sequences and the inflection of verb stems\n 2.3.8.2. Consonant sequences and reduplication\n 2.3.8.3. Syllable-final consonant clusters\n 2.3.9. Non-lateral approximants /j, w/\n 2.3.10. Geminates\n 2.4. The vowel inventory\n 2.4.1. Distinctive features for Neverver vowels\n 2.4.2. Contrastive sets for the contemporary vowel segments\n 2.4.3. Contrastive front rounded vowels /y/ and /Ø/\n 2.4.4. Realizations of the high front vowel /i/\n 2.4.5. Realizations of the high back vowel /u/\n 2.4.6. Diphthongs\n 2.4.7. Multi-vowel sequences\n 2.5. Phonotactic constraints\n 2.5.1. One-to-one association\n 2.5.2. Unassociated C slots\n 2.5.3. Type A simultaneous association\n 2.5.4. Type B simultaneous association\n 2.5.5. Violations of the phonotactic constraint\n 2.5.5.1. Initial /tC-/sequences\n 2.5.5.2. The formation of compounds\n 2.6. Phonological processes\n 2.6.1. Neutralization\n 2.6.2. Metathesis\n 2.6.3. Epenthesis\n 2.6.3.1. Epenthetic schwa\n 2.6.3.2. Epenthetic plosives [d] and [g]\n 2.6.3.3. Epenthetic plosive [b]\n 2.6.3.4. Established allomorphy for the irrealisnasal /m/\n 2.6.3.5. Epenthetic [i]\n 2.6.4. Apocope and syncope\n 2.7. Stress\n 2.7.1. Stress assignment in nouns\n 2.7.2. Stress assignment in verbs\n 2.8. Intonation patterns\n 2.8.1. Terminal intonation\n 2.8.2. Non-terminal intonation\n 2.8.3. Polar interrogatives (§9.3.2.)\n 2.9. Orthographic conventions\n3. Nominals\n 3.0. Introduction\n 3.1. Pronouns\n 3.1.1. Independent personal pronouns\n 3.1.2. Possessive determiners\n 3.1.3. Possessive pronouns\n 3.2. Noun classes\n 3.3. Common nouns\n 3.3.1. The function and distribution of the common noun prefix n(V)-\n 3.3.2. The form of the common noun prefix\n 3.3.3. A note on the syllabification of segmental vowel sequences\n 3.3.4. Non-prototypical common nouns\n 3.3.5. Common nouns with temporal meanings\n 3.4. Personal nouns\n 3.4.1. Personal proper names\n 3.4.2. Personal kin terms\n 3.5. Local nouns\n 3.5.1. Proper place names\n 3.5.2. Local nouns denoting familiar places\n 3.5.3. Local nouns denoting significant features of the physical environment\n 3.5.3.1. The absolute frame\n 3.5.3.2. The absolute/deictic frame\n 3.5.3.3. Locative part nouns\n 3.5.4. Temporal local nouns\n 3.5.4.1. Parts of the day\n 3.5.4.2. Time counters\n 3.6. Pronominal-nouns\n 3.7. Nominalization processes\n 3.7.1. Simple nominalization\n 3.7.2. Simulfix nominalization\n 3.7.2.1. Nominalizing intransitive verb stems\n 3.7.2.2. Nominalization and reduplication of intransitive stems.\n 3.7.2.3. Nominalizing transitive verb stems with experiencer subjects\n 3.7.2.4. Nominalizing prototypical transitive stems\n 3.7.2.5. Nominalizations involving other word classes\n 3.8. Compound nouns\n 3.8.1. Noun-Noun compounds\n 3.8.2. Noun-Verb compounds\n4. The noun phrase\n 4.0. Introduction\n 4.1. Noun phrase heads\n 4.2. The syntactic functions of the noun phrase\n 4.3. The structure of the noun phrase\n 4.4. Unmodified nouns\n 4.4.1. Encoding indefinite non-referring expressions with zero modification\n 4.4.2. Encoding definite referring expressions with zero modification\n 4.4.3. Using unmodified nouns to encode generic expressions\n 4.5. Nominal modification\n 4.5.1. Lexical modifiers\n 4.5.2. Intensifiers\n 4.5.3. Possessives\n 4.5.4. Quantifiers\n 4.5.5. Demonstratives\n 4.5.6. Number\n 4.5.6.1. The plural marker\n 4.5.6.2. Number relative clauses\n 4.5.7. The limiter (lu)me ‘only, just’\n 4.5.8. Summary of noun phrase modification\n 4.6. Noun phrase coordination\n 4.6.1. Prosodic listing\n 4.6.2. The comitative preposition blev\n 4.6.3. Inclusory pronominal constructions\n 4.6.3.1. The explicit phrasal inclusory construction\n 4.6.3.2. The implicit split inclusory construction\n 4.6.4. Disjunctive coordination\n5. Possession, relativization, and number\n 5.0. Introduction\n 5.1. Describing possession\n 5.1.1. Human possessors\n 5.1.11. Exceptions\n 5.11.2. Human possession and definiteness\n 5.1.2. Non-human possessors\n 5.1.2.1. Inherent possession\n 5.1.2.2. Associative possession\n 5.1.3. Semantic irregularities\n 5.2. Relative clauses\n 5.2.1. Relativising the subject position\n 5.2.2. Relativising the object position\n 5.2.3. Relativising the second object position\n 5.2.4. Relativising the oblique - objects of prepositions\n 5.2.5. Relativising the genitive - possessors\n 5.2.6. Relativization and pronominal-nouns\n 5.2.6.1. Relative clauses with an as the head\n 5.2.6.2. Relative clauses with kut as the head\n 5.2.6.3. Relative clauses with dran as the head\n 5.2.7. Relative clauses with demonstrative predicates\n 5.2.8. Pronominal-nouns and demonstrative predicates\n 5.2.9. Relative clauses and indefinite heads\n 5.3. Number\n 5.3.1. Cardinal numbers\n 5.3.1.1. Cardinal numbers one to nine\n 5.3.1.2. Cardinal numbers ten and over\n 5.3.2. Ordinal numbers\n 5.3.3. Indefinite referring expressions\n 5.4. NMOD and the quantifier tle ‘another’\n6. Verb classes\n 6.0. Introduction\n 6.1. The subject/mood prefix\n 6.1.1. Accounting for regular allomorphy in the subject/mood prefix\n 6.1.2. The impersonal subject/mood prefix\n 6.1.3. Representing the subject/mood prefix\n 6.2. Morphophonemic stem alternations\n 6.2.1. Allomorphy in the irregular verb vu ‘go’\n 6.3. Verb classes\n 6.3.1. Inherently transitive stems\n 6.3.1.1. Non-prototypical transitive stems\n 6.3.1.2. Detransitive morphology\n 6.3.2. Inherently intransitive stems\n 6.3.2.1. Bare intransitive stems\n 6.4. Homonymy\n7. Expressing temporal, modal, and aspectual information\n 7.0. Introduction\n 7.1. Expressing temporal contrasts\n 7.1.1. Events which happened (or did not happen) prior to the reference time\n 7.1.2. Events which are happening at the reference time\n 7.1.3. States that existed (or did not exist) prior to or at the reference time\n 7.1.4. Relative future events\n 7.1.5. Events marked by suppakh or lile ‘nearly, soon’\n 7.2. Expressing reality status\n 7.2.1. Habitual events, such as those described in familiar processes\n 7.2.2. Imperative and prohibitive constructions\n 7.2.3. Adverbial subordinate clauses\n 7.2.4. Complement clauses\n 7.2.5. Relative clauses with indefinite heads\n 7.2.6. The grammatical category of mood\n 7.3. The encoding of aspectual and temporal meanings\n 7.3.1. External tense/aspect markers\n 7.3.1.1. Anterior ij\n 7.3.1.2. Remote anterior ma ij\n 7.3.1.3. Immediate aspect mej ‘just’\n 7.3.1.4. Discourse perfect lu\n 7.3.1.5. Continuative aspect deb(b)/mo\n 7.3.1.6. Summary of external tense/aspect markers\n 7.3.2. Intermediate quantificational aspect\n 7.3.2.1. Frequentative aspect sakhsakh\n 7.3.2.2. Argument quantifier mokh\n 7.3.3. Internal aspectual markers\n 7.3.3.1. Completive (total) aspect lu\n 7.3.3.2. Completive (plural) aspect dan\n 7.3.3.3. Partitive aspect da\n 7.3.3.4. Partly complete aspect dor\n 7.3.3.5. Temporary aspect der\n 7.3.3.6. Past habitual with duvakh and reduplication\n 7.3.3.7. Aspectual distinctions encoded through reduplication\n 7.3.4. Phasal aspect encoded in core layer juncture\n 7.3.4.1. Progressive aspect tokh\n 7.3.4.2. Ingressive aspect tabatn ~ stait\n 7.3.4.3. Egressive aspect suvsuv\n8. Reduplication\n 8.0. Introduction\n 8.1. Forms of reduplication\n 8.1.1. Non-prototypical verb reduplication\n 8.1.2. Formalizing the process of reduplication\n 8.1.3. Interaction with the subject/mood prefix\n 8.1.4. Reduplication in other parts of speech\n 8.2. Functions of reduplication\n 8.2.1. Reduplication in detransitive constructions\n 8.2.1.1. Unspecified object deletion (§6.3.1.2.)\n 8.2.1.2. Inherent object constructions (§6.3.1.2.)\n 8.2.1.3. Object incorporation (§10.1.)\n 8.2.1.4. Reflexives and reciprocals (§9.4.)\n 8.2.1.5. Nominalization (§3.7., §12.5.)\n 8.2.2. Reduplication in stative verbs\n 8.2.2.1. Inherently stative verbs (§6.3.2.1.)\n 8.2.2.2. Action to state (§6.3.2.)\n 8.2.2.3. Temporary state to permanent state (§6.3.2.)\n 8.2.2.4. State to maximal state\n 8.2.2.5. Permanent state to temporary state\n 8.2.2.6. Verb modification: Nuclear serial verb constructions (§10.2. - §10.5.)\n 8.2.2.7. Noun modification (§4.5.1.)\n 8.2.3. Reduplication and imperfective aspect (§7.3.3.7.)\n 8.2.3.1. Iterative\n 8.2.3.2. Habitual\n 8.2.3.3. Durative action\n 8.2.3.4. Diminutive\n 8.2.4. Reduplication and number\n 8.2.4.1. Marking plural S/P\n 8.2.4.2. Participant number and ergativity\n 8.2.4.3. Non-individuated patients\n 8.2.4.4. Reduplication and plural nouns\n 8.2.5. Reduplication, mood and negative polarity\n 8.2.5.1. Prohibition (§7.2.2., §9.5.1.)\n 8.2.5.2. Inability\n 8.2.5.3. Negative condition (§13.3.4.)\n 8.2.6. Reduplication and semantic extension\n 8.2.7. Inherent/fossilized reduplication\n 8.3. Reduplication and repetition\n9. Clause structure\n 9.0. Introduction\n 9.1. The structure of verbal clauses\n 9.1.1. Single-argument verbs\n 9.1.2. Two-argument verbs\n 9.1.3. Three-argument verbs\n 9.1.4. Encoding non-core arguments\n 9.1.4.1. lon ‘LOC’\n 9.1.4.2. aran ‘LOC.on’\n 9.1.4.3. lappan ‘under’\n 9.1.4.4. sur ‘near, by, along’\n 9.1.4.5. blev ‘comitative’\n 9.1.4.6. tuan ‘LOCPSN’personal locational preposition\n 91.4.7. il ‘BENE, CAUS’ benefactive, cause marker\n 9.2. Negation of verbal predicates\n 9.2.1. mosi ‘no longer’ and vasi ‘not yet’\n 9.2.2. Negative verbs\n 9.3. Interrogatives\n 9.3.1. Constituent interrogatives\n 9.3.2. Polar interrogatives\n 9.3.3. Alternation questions\n 9.4. Reflexive and reciprocal constructions\n 9.4.1. Reflexives\n 9.4.2. Reciprocals\n 9.5. Impersonal constructions\n 9.5.1. Impersonal subjects and prohibition\n 9.6. Comparative structures\n 9.7. Fronting of constituents\n 9.7.1. Fronting core arguments of a main clause\n 9.7.2. Fronting arguments of sentential complements\n 9.7.3. Fronting core arguments of a subordinate clause\n 9.8. Multi-purpose modifiers\n 9.9. Expressions of modality\n 9.9.1. ing ‘EXCLAM’ exclamatory marker\n 9.9.2. man ‘EMPH’ emphatic marker\n 9.9.3. bor ‘maybe’\n 9.9.4. var ‘unfortunately’\n 9.10. Non-verbal predicates\n 9.10.1. Classificatory clauses\n 9.10.2. Identificational clauses\n 9.10.3. Ownership predicates\n 9.10.4. Presentative clauses\n 9.11 ‘Yes’, ‘no’, and other interjections\n10. Complex nuclei\n 10.0. Introduction\n 10.1. Object incorporation\n 10.1.1. Prototypical incorporated objects\n 10.1.2. Less prototypical incorporated objects\n 10.1.2.1. verver-sal-ikh ‘give s.o. directions’\n 10.1.2.2. jaljal-druk ‘wear sash diagonally acros chest’\n 10.1.3. Incorporated objects with intransitive bases\n 10.1.4. Non-prototypical incorporated objects\n 10.2. Nuclear serial verbs\n 10.2.1. Major properties of nuclear serial verbs\n 10.3. Grammaticalization pathways\n 10.3.1. From serial verb to preposition\n 10.3.1.1. gwas ‘cross’, ‘ over’\n 10.3.1.2. delvis ‘go around’\n 10.3.1.3. sur ‘near, along, by’\n 10.3.2. From serial verb to aspectual marker\n 10.3.3. From serial verb to adverb\n 10.3.4. From negative morpheme to serial verb\n 10.4. Patterns of transitivity\n 10.5. Three-part nuclear SVCs\n11. Complex cores\n 11.0. Introduction\n 11.1. Comparing nuclear and core serialization\n 11.2. Mono-clausal properties of core SVCs\n 11.3. Sub-types of core SVCs\n 11.3.1. Same-subject constructions\n 11.3.1.1. Same-subject directional SVCs\n 11.3.1.2. Same-subject sequential SVCs\n 11.3.1.3. Same-subject limit SVCs\n 11.3.1.4. Same-subject utterance SVCs\n 11.3.1.5. Same-subject aspectual SVCs\n 11.3.1.6. Same-subject modal SVCs\n 11.3.2. Switch-function constructions\n 11.3.2.1. Switch-function directional SVCs\n 11.3.2.2. Switch-function existential/locational SVCs\n 11.3.2.3. Switch-function recipient SVCs\n 11.3.3. Ambient SVCs\n 11.3.3.1. Ambient manner SVCs\n 11.3.3.2. Ambient aspectual SVCs\n 11.3.3.3. Ambient directional SVCs\n 11.3.3.4. Ambient similative SVCs\n 11.3.4. Inclusory constructions\n12. Complement-taking predicates\n 12.0. Introduction\n 12.1. Complementation in Neverver\n 12.2. Complementizers\n 12.3. Complementation and mood patterns\n 12.3.1. Polarity determined complements\n 12.3.2. Irrealis complements\n 12.3.3. Independent complements\n 12.3.4. Observations on mood patterning and complementation\n 12.4. Semantic sub-types of complementation\n 12.4.1. Immediate perception predicates\n 12.4.2. Predicates of knowledge and acquisition of knowledge\n 12.4.3. Manipulative predicates\n 12.4.4. Propositional attitude predicates\n 12.4.5. Modal predicates\n 12.4.6. Desiderative predicates\n 12.4.7. Anti-desiderative predicates\n 12.4.8. Achievement predicates\n 12.4.9. Phasal predicates (ingression)\n 12.4.10.Utterance predicates\n 12.5. Nominalized complements\n13. Clausal juncture and inter-propositional relations\n 13.0. Introduction\n 13.1. Relationships between clauses\n 13.2. Morpho-syntactic features of clausal juncture and intonation\n 13.3. Adverbial subordination\n 13.3.1. Time\n 13.3.2. Event/state location\n 13.3.3. Reason/purpose\n 13.3.4. Condition-consequence\n 13.4. Subordinating tail-head linkage\n 13.5. Syndetic coordination\n 13.5.1. Conjunctive coordination\n 13.5.2. Adversative coordination\n 13.5.3. Disjunctive coordination\n 13.5.4. Augmentative coordination\n 13.6. Prosodic conjunction\n 13.6.1. Semantic relations signaled by rising intonation on the initial clause\n 13.6.2. Semantic relations signaled by level/falling intonation on the initial clause\n 13.7. Form and meaning\nAppendices\n Appendix I. A. Bernard Deacon’s Nesan Data (1926-1927)\n 1. Orthographic notes\n 2. Nesan and Neverver\n Appendix II. Neverver language vitality assessment\n 1. Intergenerational language transmission\n 2. Absolute number of speakers (January 2005)\n 3. Proportion of speakers within the total population\n 3.1. Percentage of households with differing dominant languages\n 3.2. Languages reported to be spoken by the Neverver speech community\n 4. Shifts in domains of language use\n 5. Response to new domains and media\n 6. Materials for language education and literacy\n 7. Governmental and institutional language attitudes and policies, including official status and use\n 8. Community members’ attitudes towards their own language\n 9. Type and quality of documentation\n Appendix III. The Neverver documentation corpus\n 1. The contemporary tale collection [NVCT]\n 2. The conversation collection [NVCV]\n 3. The daily life collection [NVDL]\n 4. The custom interview collection [NVKI]\n 5. The traditional story collection [NVKS]\n 6. The elicitation collection [NVE]\n 7. The lexical collection [NVLX]\n 8. The question collection [NVKW]\n 9. Songs\n 10. Digital images\n 11. Literacy resources\n Appendix IV. Sample texts\n 1. Nidam Sokhsokh ‘Baked Yams’ [NVDL12]\n 2. Nossorian an Krismas ‘The Christmas Story’ [NVCT02]\n 3. Nibongva ‘The Circumcision Ceremony’ [NVKI02]\n 4. Nakhabb ‘Fire’ [NVKS07]\n Appendix V. Semantic relations\nReferences\nIndex