دانلود کتاب Advances in formal Slavic linguistics 2018

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Contents
Preface
1 Situation relatives: Deriving causation, concession, counterfactuality, condition, and purpose Boban Arsenijević
1 Introduction
2 Characteristic properties of the marked situation-relatives
2.1 Conditional clauses
2.2 Counterfactual clauses
2.3 Concessive clauses
2.4 Causal clauses
2.5 Purpose clauses
3 Serbo-Croatian situation-relatives
3.1 Verb forms
3.2 The subjunctions
4 Conclusion
2 Czech binominal každý `each\' Mojmír Dočekal and Radek Šimík
1 Introduction
2 Morphosyntactic properties
2.1 Properties of binominal každý shared with binominal each
2.2 Properties specific to každý
2.3 Syntax of binominal každý: Working hypothesis
3 Background on cumulativity, collectivity, and distributivity
4 The puzzle
5 PCDRT: The basic building blocks
5.1 Cumulative readings in PCDRT
5.2 Determiner each in PCDRT
5.3 Binominal each in PCDRT
5.4 Interim summary
6 A PCDRT analysis of the puzzle
6.1 Set collectives in PCDRT
6.2 Binominal každý+set collectives
6.3 Cumulative readings
6.4 Binominal each plus atom collectives
6.5 Determiner each+set/atom collective
7 Summary
3 New developments in the semantics of noun phrases in Slavic languages Ljudmila Geist
1 Introduction
2 DP
2.1 DP-layer: Yes or no?
2.2 DP-layer: Two types of definites
2.3 DP-layer: Semantics of definiteness
3 Numeral phrase: Numerals and collectivity
4 Classifier phrase
4.1 Types of classifiers
4.2 Diminutive suffixes as classifiers
5 NP
6 Conclusions
4 Demonstratives, possessives, and quantifier expressions in articleless Russian Maria Gepner
1 Introduction
2 Demonstratives and prenominal possessives are adjectives
2.1 Declensional paradigm
2.2 Evidence that demonstratives and prenominal possessives are adjectives
2.2.1 Prediction 1: Determiners do not co-occur
2.2.2 Prediction 2: Determiners do not permute with adjectives
2.2.3 Prediction 3: Determiners are infelicitous in predicate positions
2.2.4 Demonstratives and possessives co-occur
2.2.5 Demonstratives and possessives permute with adjectives
2.2.6 Evidence that possessives and demonstratives are grammatical in predicative positions
2.2.6.1 Bare demonstratives and possessives as copula predicates
2.2.6.2 Demonstratives and possessives under the scope of measure operators
2.2.7 Evidence from existential sentences
2.2.8 In sum
3 Každyj `every\' is a quantifier
4 Further issues and conclusion
5 The pragmatic effects of Macedonian li: An empirical study Izabela Jordanoska and Erlinde Meertens
1 Introduction
2 Background and hypotheses
2.1 Hypothesis 1: `Uniqueness\'
2.2 Hypothesis 2: `Surprise\'
3 Methodology
3.1 Design
3.2 Stimuli
3.3 Participants
4 Results and discussion
4.1 Results
4.2 Discussion
5 General discussion
5.1 Discussion of hypothesis 2
5.2 Open issues
6 Conclusion
6 Mirativity and the Bulgarian evidential system Elena Karagjosova
1 Introduction
2 The Bulgarian evidential system and the notion of mirativity
3 The Bulgarian admirative
3.1 Admiratives based on inferential evidence and conclusives with and without auxiliary
3.2 Admiratives and declaratives
3.3 Admiratives and renarratives in exclamations
4 The admirative operator
5 Summary and discussion
7 From measure predicates to count nouns: Complex measure nouns in Russian Keren Khrizman
1 Introduction
2 Morphological derivation
3 Semantic interpretation
4 Container uses
4.1 Semantic interpretation
4.2 Classifier uses
5 Portion uses
6 Summary and implications
8 Silent have needs revisiting: (Non-)possessive meanings with transitive intensional `need\' in Russian Mikhail Knyazev
1 Introduction
2 Previous research on the `need\'+NP construction
2.1 A silent have/get account
2.2 Non-possessive examples with transitive `need\'
2.3 Zaroukian.Beller2013 on semantic variability of silent have
3 The `need\'+nom construction
3.1 Harves2008\' account of `need\'+nom
3.2 Semantic variability of `need\'+nom
3.3 Analysis of `need\'+nom
4 The `need\'+acc construction
4.1 Semantic restrictions on `need\'+acc
4.2 Analysis of `need\'+acc
5 Experimental studies
5.1 Experiment 1a
5.1.1 Design and hypotheses
5.1.2 Materials and procedure
5.1.3 Results
5.1.4 Discussion
5.2 Experiment 1b
5.2.1 Design and materials
5.2.2 Results
5.2.3 Discussion
5.3 Experiment 2
5.3.1 Design and hypotheses
5.3.2 Materials and procedure
5.3.3 Results
5.3.4 Discussion
5.4 General discussion
6 Conclusion
9 Reference to kinds and subkinds in Polish Arkadiusz Kwapiszewski and Kim Fuellenbach
1 Introduction
2 Reference to kinds is definite
2.1 The semantics of definiteness
2.2 Definite kinds in Polish
3 Reference to kinds is numberless
3.1 The semantics of number
3.2 Numberless kinds in Polish
4 Kind modification
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Incompatibility with intersective kind modification
4.3 Towards a solution
4.4 A structural approach to kind modification
4.5 Possible extensions
5 Conclusion
10 Maximal interpretation and definiteness of nominal phrases in Russian: Implication for the NP/DP parameter Takuya Miyauchi
1 Introduction
2 Russian possessors and their interpretation
2.1 Prenominal possessors
2.2 Maximal interpretation and syntactic structure of nominals
2.3 Postnominal possessors
3 Hypothesis
4 Test 1: The definiteness effect
4.1 The definiteness effect
4.2 DE in Russian
4.3 Test by DE
5 Test 2: The genitive of negation
5.1 The genitive of negation
5.2 Test by GN
6 Conclusion
11 Perfective dozapisyvat\' – real or fake? Olav Mueller-Reichau
1 Introduction
2 The biaspectual behavior of dozapisyvat\'
3 Four open questions
3.1 No blocking?
3.2 Constraints on coordination order?
3.3 What about other PR-prefixes?
3.4 What makes a good example?
4 Exploring alternative explanations
4.1 Fake perfectives
4.2 Internal iterative yva
4.3 External iterative yva
5 Proposal
5.1 The role of the internal prefix
5.2 The impact of do-
5.3 Other positionally restricted prefixes
5.4 No blocking
5.5 Coordination order in sequences of events
5.6 How to explain asymmetrical judgements?
6 Conclusions
12 Demonstratives and definiteness: Multiple determination in Balkan Slavic Catherine Rudin
1 Introduction to multiple determination
2 Balkan Slavic MD: The data
2.1 The object of study, its usage, and its semantic characteristics
2.2 Morpho-lexical characteristics: The articles and the demonstratives
2.3 Syntactic characteristics
2.4 Intonational characteristics
3 Analysis
3.1 Balkan Slavic ``articles\" are definiteness inflection
3.2 Balkan Slavic demonstratives spell out DemP head
3.3 Canonical and pragmatic demonstratives
3.4 Putting it together: Interaction of demonstrative and article
3.5 How is Bulgarian different from Macedonian?
4 Conclusions and remaining problems
13 Definiteness in the absence of uniqueness: The case of Russian Daria Seres and Olga Borik
1 Introduction
2 Definiteness without articles
2.1 Lexical means
2.2 Morphological means
2.3 Syntactic means
2.4 Prosodic means
3 The meaning of definiteness in languages with and without articles
3.1 What is definiteness?
3.2 Uniqueness in English vs. Russian
4 ``Definiteness effects\'\' in languages with and without articles
4.1 An indefiniteness hypothesis: Heim2011
4.2 Deriving definiteness in Russian
5 Conclusions
14 Inherent vs. accidental uniqueness in bare and demonstrative nominals Radek Šimík
1 Introduction
2 Initial observation
3 Proposal
3.1 Background on situation semantics
3.2 Formalizing inherent vs. accidental uniqueness
3.3 The syntax-semantics of bare vs. demonstrative NPs
3.3.1 Bare NPs and inherent uniqueness
3.3.2 Demonstrative NPs and accidental uniqueness
4 Evidence
4.1 Same situation, different referent
4.2 Same referent, different situation
4.3 Choice of NP type affects choice of situation
5 Extensions
5.1 Generic NPs
5.2 Anaphoric NPs
5.3 Non-specific NPs
6 Summary and outlook
15 The role of the correlate in clause-embedding Ilse Zimmermann
1 Introduction
2 The analysis
2.1 Syntax
2.2 Semantics
2.3 Lexical entries
2.3.1 The correlate
2.3.2 Governing predicates
2.4 The semantics of DPs with a correlate
2.4.1 Two type shifts
2.4.1.1 A conservative predicate maker
2.4.1.2 A conversative predicate maker
2.4.2 Attitudinal verbs with incorporated content nouns
3 Prospects
16 Torlak clitic doubling: A cross-linguistic comparison Jelena Živojinović
1 Introduction
2 Theoretical framework: The phenomenon of clitic doubling in a nutshell
2.1 Clitic doubling in Balkan languages
2.2 Data and methods
3 Clitic reduplication constructions
3.1 Relevant background: Cinque.Krapova2008
3.2 Evidence from gathered data
4 Clitic word order
4.1 Relevant background: Boskovic2001\'s generalizations
4.2 Word order in Serbo-Croatian
4.3 Word order in Bulgarian and Macedonian
4.4 Word order in Torlak
5 Conclusion
Index
Name index
Language index