توضیحاتی در مورد کتاب DIALECT LEVELLING IN LIMBURG (IN ENGLISH) Structural and Sociolinguistic Aspects (Linguistische Arbeiten)
نام کتاب : DIALECT LEVELLING IN LIMBURG (IN ENGLISH) Structural and Sociolinguistic Aspects (Linguistische Arbeiten)
ویرایش : Reprint 2014
عنوان ترجمه شده به فارسی : سطح بندی گویش در لیمبورگ (به انگلیسی) جنبه های ساختاری و اجتماعی-زبانی (Linguistische Arbeiten)
سری :
نویسندگان : Frans Hinskens
ناشر : De Gruyter
سال نشر : 1996
تعداد صفحات : 432
ISBN (شابک) : 3484303565 , 9783484303560
زبان کتاب : English
فرمت کتاب : pdf
حجم کتاب : 35 مگابایت
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فهرست مطالب :
Foreword\nSymbols and abbreviations\nPart I. Models\nChapter 1 A sociolinguistic model and three hypotheses\n1.1 Introduction\n1.2 The absence of studies of dialect levelling\n1.2.1 Language loss, dialect loss and dialect levelling\n1.2.2 Research on the structural consequences of language contact\n1.2.3 The notion of dialect levelling in the literature\n1.2.4 Fencing off the notion of dialect levelling from related concepts\n1.2.5 Trudgill’s model of accommodation and levelling in situations of dialects in contact\n1.3 Developing a sociolinguistic model of dialect levelling. Introduction\n1.3.1 Inter- and intra-systemic variation\n1.3.2 Dialect levelling is a two-dimensional process. Hypothesis I\n1.3.3 Dialect levelling proceeds gradually. Hypothesis II\n1.3.4 Dialect levelling is foreshadowed in accommodation. Hypothesis III\n1.4 Summary and perspective\nChapter 2 The phonological model\n2.1 Introduction\n2.2 Explaining language change\n2.3 The phonological model\n2.3.1 Introduction: the modular organization of phonology\n2.3.2 Lexical and prosodic phonology\n2.3.3 Autosegmental phonology\n2.3.4 Metrical phonology\n2.3.5 Relationships between the autosegmental and metrical subsystems\n2.4 The hierarchical organization of syllable structure\n2.4.1 Introduction: a few historiographical remarks\n2.4.2 Syllable well-formedness\n2.4.3 The sonority concept\n2.4.4 The distribution of sonority over the syllable\n2.4.5 How symmetrical is the syllable?\n2.4.6 Several types of evidence\n2.4.7 Universal and language specific aspects\n2.4.8 Syllable structure, resyllabification and sonority\n2.5 Language variation and related phenomena as a field of shared interest of phonology and sociolinguistics\n2.5.1 Internal forces as probabilistic explanations of change or levelling\nPart II. Setting, methods and linguistic variables\nChapter 3 The research area\n3.1 Introducing the former Mine District, Ubach over Worms and Rimburg\n3.2 The economic and socio-demographic history of the region: a brief sketch\n3.2.1 The pre-industrial period\n3.2.2 The industrialization process and its demographic effects\n3.2.3 Effects on infrastructure. Flexible response by the power elite\n3.2.4 Ongoing demographic developments. Employment\n3.2.5 Further rise and sudden decline of the coal industry\n3.2.6 Recent socio-geographical developments\n3.2.7 Rimburg: the pre-industrial period\n3.2.8 Rimburg: the years of the industrialization of the region and afterwards\n3.2.9 Recent administrative changes\n3.3 The dialect situation\n3.3.1 Introduction\n3.3.2 Some diachronic developments and their dialect-geographical reflections\n3.3.3 Recent changes in the position of the dialect\nChapter 4 Methodological aspects\n4.1 Operationalizations of the hypotheses; the design of the investigation\n4.2 The selection of linguistic variables\n4.2.1 Linguistic variables: a definition and the criteria for selection\n4.2.2 A sketch of the materials on which the selection was based\n4.2.3 Formalization. Variation, lexicalization and code-switching\n4.2.4 The linguistic variables: a brief overview\n4.3 The speakers\n4.3.1 Stratification and control variables: considerations\n4.3.2 Another control variable. Sampling practice\n4.3.3 An additional speaker background variable. Some sociological characteristics of the sample\n4.4 The collection of the speech material\n4.4.1 The structured elicitation\n4.4.2 The conversations\n4.4.3 Speech material, independent variables and hypothesis-testing; more on the design of the investigation\n4.5 Analyses: from recorded speech material to data\n4.5.1 The selection of samples of spontaneous speech\n4.5.2 Decisions on more specific levels\n4.5.3 Transcription, levels of measurement and quantification\n4.5.4 The data\nChapter 5 The linguistic variables\n5.1 Introduction\n5.2 The organization of chapters 5 and 6\n5.3 A description of each LV\n5.3.1 ‘Ach-laut’ allophony\n5.3.2 γ-weakening\n5.3.3 I-lowering\n5.3.4 Dorsal fricative deletion\n5.3.5 [s] in diminutive suffix\n5.3.6 R-deletion\n5.3.7 n-deletion\n5.3.8 Derivational suffix -‘lrγ’\n5.3.9 Preterite suffix\n5.3.10 Prefixless past participles\n5.3.11 Subjunctive\n5.3.12 Strong or irregular versus weak conjugation\n5.3.13 Stem vowel 2 & 3 sing. pres, indie, strong verbs\n5.3.14 t-deletion\n5.3.15 Sandhi voicing\n5.3.16 Derivational suffix -‘d?’\n5.3.17 Absence inflectional shwa\n5.3.18 Noun pluralization\n5.3.19 Oblique form of certain pronouns\n5.3.20 Expletive element\nPart III. Findings. The broader approach\nChapter 6 Quantitative analyses for each single linguistic variable\n6.1 Introduction\n6.2 Technical aspects\n6.2.1 Tracing apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features\n6.2.2 Studying apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features in various linguistic conditions\n6.3 Findings\n6.3.1 ‘Ach-laut’ allophony\n6.3.2 γ-weakening\n6.3.3 I-lowering\n6.3.4 Dorsal fricative deletion\n6.3.5 [s] in diminutive suffix\n6.3.6 R-deletion\n6.3.7 n-deletion\n6.3.8 Derivational suffix -‘lrγ’\n6.3.9 Preterite suffix\n6.3.10 Prefixless past participles\n6.3.11 Subjunctive\n6.3.12 Strong or irregular versus weak conjugation\n6.3.13 Stem vowel 2 & 3 sing. pres, indie, strong verbs\n6.3.14 t-deletion\n6.3.15 Sandhi voicing\n6.3.16 Derivational suffix -‘d?’\n6.3.17 Absence inflectional shwa\n6.3.18 Noun pluralization\n6.3.19 Oblique form of certain pronouns\n6.3.20 Expletive element\n6.4 General patterns and tendencies. Conclusions and discussion\n6.4.1 An overall picture of the findings. Evaluating the first hypothesis\n6.4.2 Testing the second hypothesis. Extralinguistic aspects\n6.4.3 Testing the second hypothesis. Linguistic aspects\n6.4.4 Discussion\nChapter 7 Dialect levelling and structural dependence between linguistic variables\n7.1 Introduction\n7.2 Two types of structural dependence between dialect features and how they were studied\n7.3 Disjunction relationships\n7.4 Relationships of conditionality\n7.5 Combinations of types of relationships\n7.6 Evaluation of the hypotheses, conclusions and outlook\nPart IV. The deeper approach\nChapter 8 Selection and analysis of the linguistic variables in the spontaneous data\n8.1 Introduction\n8.2 The selection procedure\n8.3 Properties of the selected dialect features\n8.4 Phonological aspects of the rule for final n-deletion. Introduction\n8.4.1 Final /n/, stress and tone contour\n8.4.2 Structurally similar but grammatically and prosodically different words. Synthesis\n8.4.3 Final n-deletion, syllable structure and syllable sequencing\n8.4.4 Two blocking conditions\n8.4.5 Final remarks\n8.5 Additional methodological considerations: the analysis of the spontaneous speech\n8.5.1 Methodological aspects of the analysis of ? -weakening\n8.5.2 Methodological aspects of the analysis of n-deletion\n8.5.3 Methodological aspects of the analysis of t-deletion\n8.5.4 Remarks of a more general nature\nChapter 9 Findings for the in-group conversations\n9.1 Introduction\n9.2 Use of the dialect features. Overall patterns\n9.2.1 The role of the speaker background variables\n9.3 Apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features. Overall patterns\n9.3.1 Apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features: linguistic dimensions\n9.3.2 The role of speaker background variables in apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features\n9.3.3 Apparent time changes in the application of the n-deletion rule: linguistic dimensions and speaker background variables\n9.4 Summary\nChapter 10. Finding for the out-group conversation\n10.1 Introduction\n10.2 Use of the dialect features. Overall patterns\n10.2.1 The role of the contact situation\n10.3 Apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features. Overall patterns\n10.3.1 Apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features: linguistic dimensions\n10.3.2 Apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features: macro-social forces\n10.3.3 Apparent time changes in the use of the dialect features in relation with the micro-social factor\n10.4 Summary\nChapter 11 Dialect levelling and accommodation: testing the third hypothesis\n11.1 Introduction\n11.2 Tracing accommodation\n11.3 Accommodation in spontaneous dialect use\n11.3.1 The findings for accommodation on two levels of analysis\n11.3.2 The third level of analysis: accommodation as a function of the distance of the contact variety\n11.4 The findings regarding accommodation: outline and evaluation\n11.5 Testing hypothesis III\n11.6 Summary\nPart V. Sizing up and looking ahead\nChapter 12 Discussion and some issues for further research\n12.1 Introduction\n12.2 The sociolinguistic model of dialect levelling\n12.2.1 Discussion: the three hypotheses\n12.2.2 From model to theory: some socio-geographical issues\n12.2.3 Issues for further research\n12.3 Structural aspects - and especially the phonological model\n12.3.1 Discussion\n12.3.2 Issues for further research\n12.4 Methodological aspects\n12.4.1 Discussion\n12.4.2 An issue for further research\nAppendix\nReferences\nSubject index