دانلود کتاب Early Learning and Child Well-being in the United States

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Foreword Acknowledgements Table of contents Reader’s guide What is IELS? What aspects of learning and development were of focus in IELS? Who participated in IELS? What does this volume contain? A guide to interpreting findings in this report Data underlying the report Overall IELS averages Statistically significant differences Interpreting correlations Standard deviation Standard Error Rounding figures Additional technical information Abbreviations and acronyms Executive Summary Main findings Five-year-olds in the United States are doing less well than those in England and Estonia across a range of cognitive, self-regulation and social-emotional domains ECEC attendance was associated with higher emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores, regardless of children’s socio-economic background Girls do better than boys in many of the cognitive, self-regulation, and social-emotional skills assessed by the study By the age of five, wide gaps in skills are already evident between children from advantaged and disadvantaged backgrounds, but not among racial and ethnic groups Many parental practices are positively associated with children’s early learning scores, suggesting practical ways in which parents can support their children’s learning In the United States, moderate use of digital devices is associated with higher emergent literacy scores Children’s skills in each of the learning domains assessed in IELS were interrelated in the United States Chapter 1. Early learning matters: The International Early Learning and Child Well-being Study The early years: A window of opportunity … and risk Figure 1.1 Children’s early learning and later life outcomes Figure 1.2 Risk and protective factors affect development trajectories Figure 1.3 Change in enrolment rates of children aged 3 to 5 years (2005, 2010 and 2017) Countries can learn from each other to improve children’s early learning outcomes Figure 1.4 IELS approach to gathering direct and indirect information References Chapter 2. The context of early learning in the United States Profile of children and families in the United States Table 2.1 Educational attainment of adults aged 16 to 65 by whether or not they have children, United States Strategic intent for early learning Federal policy State policies Table 2.2 Comparison of characteristics of the early childhood and K-12 education systems in the United States Table 2.3 Distribution of state compulsory school starting ages Provision of early learning services Types of early childhood provision Prevalence and spread of services Funding and costs Other features of provision Participation Figure 2.1 Attendance at any non-parental childcare or programme arrangement at least once a week by age, United States Figure 2.2 Attendance rates of different types of non-parental childcare or programme arrangement by age, United States Table 2.4 Attendance rates and hours per week spent in centre-based programmes by age, United States Figure 2.3 Centre-based ECEC attendance rates among children under five by racial and ethnic background, United States Figure 2.4 Attendance rates of any type of non-parental childcare or programme arrangement among children under five by total household income level, United States Figure 2.5 Attendance rates for part-day and full-day pre-primary programmes among 3-5 year-olds by parents’ educational attainment, United States Quality and impact of early childhood services Quality rating and improvement systems Accreditation of early childhood services Quality of state preschool programmes Table 2.5 National Institute for Early Education Research quality standards and benchmarks for state preschool programmes, 2017 Quality and impact of Head Start Learning outcomes across the United States education system Figure 2.6 Average scores in PISA mathematics, reading and science in the United States and in OECD countries Issues and debates around early learning Conclusions References Notes Chapter 3. Results of the early literacy and numeracy assessments in the United States The importance of early cognitive development Gaps in literacy skills require early attention Early numeracy is also strongly predictive of a range of later outcomes A comprehensive assessment of early cognitive development should include a range of skills predictive of later competence Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores in the United States Five-year-olds in the United States have relatively low emergent literacy and emergent numeracy skills Figure 3.1 Distribution of emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores, United States Evaluations of language and numeracy skills by parents and educators are broadly in line with children’s direct assessment scores, although parents tend to rate their children’s development more highly Table 3.1 Receptive language development as reported by parents and educators and emergent literacy scores, United States Table 3.2 Expressive language development as reported by parents and educators and emergent literacy scores, United States Most five-year-olds in the United States have mastered key language skills, according to their parents and educators Figure 3.2 Mastery of key language and literacy-related skills as reported by parents and educators, United States Parents also tend to rate their children’s numeracy development more highly than educators Figure 3.3 Emergent literacy scores by reported mastery of key language and literacy-related skills, United States Table 3.3 Numeracy development as reported by parents and educators and emergent numeracy scores, United States Figure 3.4 Mastery of key early mathematics skills as reported by parents and educators, United States Figure 3.5 Emergent numeracy scores by reported mastery of key early numeracy or mathematics-related skills, United States Individual characteristics and emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Five-year-old girls have higher emergent literacy scores than boys on average, but their emergent numeracy scores are similar Girls’ language skills tend to be more highly rated by their parents and educators Figure 3.6 Emergent literacy scores by gender, United States Figure 3.7 Receptive language development as reported by parents and educators, by gender, United States Figure 3.8 Expressive language development as reported by parents and educators, by gender, United States Parents are also more likely to rate girls’ numeracy development as above average Figure 3.9 Numeracy development as reported by parents and educators, by gender, United States Age is positively related to emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores in the United States Figure 3.10 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by age of child in months, United States Early difficulties are associated with lower scores at age five Figure 3.11 Relative associations between early difficulties and emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores, United States Home and family characteristics and emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Higher socio-economic status is associated with higher emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Figure 3.12 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by socio-economic quartile, United States A home language other than English is associated with lower average emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Children’s immigration background is not related to their assessed emergent literacy and emergent numeracy skills after controlling for socio-economic status and home language Figure 3.13 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by home language, United States There are no differences in emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores along racial or ethnic lines after accounting for socio-economic status On the whole, children’s family structures are not significantly associated with their early literacy and numeracy scores after accounting for socio-economic status Children whose mothers have higher educational attainment have better early literacy and numeracy skills Table 3.4 Maternal educational attainment and emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores, United States Figure 3.14 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by mother’s educational attainment, United States Home learning environment and children’s emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Children from homes with greater numbers of children’s books have higher average emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Table 3.5 Number of books in the home and emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores, United States Figure 3.15 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by number of books in the home, United States Children whose parents read books and sing songs to them at home most frequently have higher mean emergent literacy scores than other children Figure 3.16 Frequency of engagement in literacy-related activities at home, United States Figure 3.17 Emergent literacy scores by engagement in literacy-related activities at home, United States Most five-year-olds in the United States have parents who engage in numeracy-related activities with them at home at least once a week Figure 3.18 Frequency of engagement in numeracy-related activities at home, United States Children who attend special or extra-cost activities with moderate frequency have higher mean emergent numeracy scores than children who never attend Figure 3.19 Emergent numeracy scores by engagement in special or extra-cost activities outside the home, United States Children whose parents are more strongly involved in school activities score higher, on average, than other children Figure 3.20 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by parental involvement in school activities, United States Moderate use of digital devices is associated with higher emergent literacy scores than both no use and frequent use Figure 3.21 Emergent literacy scores by use of digital devices, United States Figure 3.22 Emergent literacy scores by educational activities on digital devices, United States ECEC background and emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores Five-year-olds who have attended ECEC have higher mean emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores than those who have not Figure 3.23 Early childhood education and care attendance by socio-economic quartile, United States Figure 3.24 Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores by early childhood education and care attendance, United States Figure 3.25 Early childhood education and care attendance by age and socio-economic quartile, United States Figure 3.26 Intensity of early childhood education and care attendance by age, United States Assessing the combined effects of child, family and ECEC characteristics on emergent literacy and emergent numeracy scores A range of individual characteristics and contextual factors significantly predict the emergent literacy scores of children in the United States when examined in combination Table 3.6 Results of the multiple regression model of emergent literacy, United States A range of individual characteristics and contextual factors significantly predict the emergent numeracy scores of children in the United States when examined in combination Table 3.7 Results of the multiple regression model of emergent numeracy, United States Relations between early literacy and numeracy scores and scores in other learning domains Emergent literacy and emergent numeracy skills were strongly related to one another, and were also related to self-regulation and social-emotional scores Figure 3.27 Correlations between emergent literacy scores and other learning domains, United States Figure 3.28 Correlations between emergent numeracy scores and other learning domains, United States Summary References Notes Chapter 4. Results of the self-regulation assessments in the United States The importance of self-regulation development Self-regulation skills are strong predictors of later health, education and labour-market outcomes Children’s environments influence their development of self-regulation skills Emotionally positive parenting, an encouraging home environment and high-quality early childhood education and care experiences enable the development of self-regulation skills The International Early Learning and Child Well-being Study (IELS) directly assessed the self-regulation skills of inhibition, mental flexibility and working memory Figure 4.1 The three key components of self-regulation in IELS IELS directly measured self-regulation skills in children through developmentally appropriate and engaging activities Table 4.1 The three skills assessed in the self-regulation domain IELS assessed how children’s self-regulation relates to their individual and family characteristics and their upbringing and early experiences Self-regulation skills of five-year-olds in the United States On average, five-year-olds in the United States score relatively highly for inhibition but less so for mental flexibility and working memory Figure 4.2 Distribution of self-regulation scores, United States Parents in the United States were more likely than educators to report their child as developing above-average self-regulation skills Figure 4.3 Self-regulation development as reported by parents and educators, United States Individual characteristics and self-regulation scores The inhibition and working memory scores of girls are higher than those of boys, but there are no significant differences in mental flexibility scores between boys and girls Figure 4.4 Inhibition and working memory scores by gender, United States Parents and educators tend to rate the self-regulation skills development of girls more highly than those of boys Figure 4.5 Self-regulation development as reported by parents and educators, by gender, United States Children’s self-regulation scores are related to their age in the United States Figure 4.6 Self-regulation scores by age of child in months, United States Five-year-olds who experienced difficulties in earlier life have lower average self-regulation scores Figure 4.7 Self-regulation scores by experience of early difficulties, United States Home and family backgrounds and self-regulation scores Children’s self-regulation scores increase with the socio-economic status of their family Figure 4.8 Self-regulation scores by socio-economic quartile, United States Parents and educators are more likely to report a child as developing above-average self-regulation skills if s/he is from a higher socio-economic family Figure 4.9 Self-regulation development as reported by parents and educators, by socio-economic quartile, United States Children with a home language other than English score lower in mental flexibility Figure 4.10 Mental flexibility scores by home language, United States There are no differences in the self-regulation skills of five-year-olds of different racial/ethnic backgrounds after accounting for socio-economic status and home language Parents of different racial/ethnic backgrounds perceive differences in their child’s self-regulation skills Children’s immigration backgrounds are not associated with differences in self-regulation scores after accounting for socio-economic status and home language Figure 4.11 Self-regulation development as reported by parents and educators by race/ethnicity, United States Mental flexibility scores are higher among the children of mothers who have completed at least a bachelor’s degree Figure 4.12 Mental flexibility scores by mother’s educational attainment, United States Children in single-parent households have similar self-regulation scores to children in two-parent households after accounting for socio-economic status Children with up to two siblings have higher working memory scores than children with no siblings after controlling for socio-economic status Figure 4.13 Working memory scores by number of siblings, United States Home learning environment and self-regulation scores The number of children’s books in the home is predictive of a child’s working memory scores The self-regulation scores of children who are read to at least once a week are not significantly different from those of children who are read to less often Figure 4.14 Working memory scores by number of children’s books in the home, United States Neither special or paid activities outside the home nor parental involvement in school activities predict the self-regulation outcomes of children in the United States Five-year-olds who use a digital device at least once a week have higher mental flexibility scores than those who hardly ever do Figure 4.15 Mental flexibility scores by use of digital devices, United States Attending early childhood education or care and self-regulation scores Children who do and do not attend ECEC do not differ in their self-regulation, but age and intensity of attendance are related to self-regulation scores Assessing the combined effects of child, family and ECEC characteristics on self-regulation scores Inhibition scores are related to children’s gender, the socioeconomic status of their family and their ECEC attendance Table 4.2 Results of the multiple regression model of inhibition, United States Mental flexibility scores are related to children’s early learning difficulties and the socio-economic status of their family Table 4.3 Results of the multiple regression model of mental flexibility, United States Working memory scores are related to children’s gender, early experience of difficulties, socio-economic status and ECEC attendance Table 4.4 Results of the multiple regression model of working memory, United States Summary References Notes Chapter 5. Results of the social-emotional skills assessment in the United States The importance of social-emotional skills Early social-emotional skills are strong predictors of later health, educational, social and labour-market outcomes IELS included a direct measure of children’s emotion identification and attribution, and indirect measures of children’s prosocial behaviour, trust in familiar people and non-disruptive behaviour Box 5.1 Defining social-emotional learning IELS measures of social-emotional skills are interrelated Social-emotional skills of five-year-olds in the United States The average five-year-old child in the United States is less able to recognise emotions than children in Estonia Figure 5.1 Distribution of social-emotional learning scores, United States Social-emotional learning scores are interrelated for both direct and indirect assessments Table 5.1 Correlations between the social-emotional skills in each type of assessment, United States Parents give more positive ratings of their children’s empathy skills than educators but both rate children’s emotional control similarly Figure 5.2 Social-emotional development as reported by parents and educators, United States Individual characteristics and early social-emotional skills While girls typically have better social-emotional scores than boys, the gender gaps are narrower in the United States than in Estonia or England Figure 5.3 Social-emotional scores by gender, United States Figure 5.4 Social-emotional development as reported by parents and educators by gender, United States The gender gap is larger among children in the bottom socio-economic quartile of socio-economic background than those in the top quartile Figure 5.5 Social-emotional scores by socio-economic quartile and gender, United States Children’s social-emotional skills scores increase slightly with age Figure 5.6 Social-emotional scores by age of child in months, United States Social, emotional or behavioural difficulties are more strongly associated with lower social-emotional learning outcomes, especially more disruptive behaviour, than low birth weight or premature birth and learning difficulties Figure 5.7 Relative associations between early difficulties and social-emotional scores, United States Home and family characteristics and early social-emotional skills Children from advantaged backgrounds have higher social-emotional scores than those from less advantaged backgrounds Figure 5.8 Social-emotional scores by socio-economic background, United States There are no statistically significant differences in social-emotional learning scores along racial and ethnic lines Educators report less disruptive behaviour among children with parents who primarily speak a language other than English at home Children’s immigration background is not associated with different social-emotional learning scores after controlling for home language Figure 5.9 Social-emotional scores by home language before and after accounting for socio-economic status, United States Children whose mothers have completed higher education have higher social-emotional scores Figure 5.10 Social-emotional scores by mother’s educational attainment, United States Children in single-parent households generally have similar social-emotional skills to those in two-parent households The results relating to the number of siblings a child has are equivocal Home learning environment and early social-emotional skills The number of books children have access to at home is positively related to their social-emotional skills Figure 5.11 Social-emotional scores by number of books in the home, United States Children who regularly role-play with their parents are more empathetic and have more prosocial behaviours than children who do it less than once a week Figure 5.12 Social-emotional scores by frequency of role-play with parents, United States Children whose parents read to them frequently are better able to recognise emotions and are less disruptive Figure 5.13 Social-emotional scores by frequency of being read to by parents, United States Children who regularly attend activities outside the home have stronger prosocial behaviour and trust and are less disruptive than other children Children who regularly have back-and-forth conversations about how they feel are more empathetic Children whose parents are moderately or strongly involved in their schooling, have higher average social-emotional learning scores Figure 5.14 Social-emotional scores by engagement in special or paid activities outside the home, United States Figure 5.15 Social-emotional scores by frequency of back-and-forth conversations about feelings with parents, United States Figure 5.16 Social-emotional scores by parental involvement in school activities, United States Children who use digital devices weekly but not daily are better able to recognise emotions than those who use them more frequently Figure 5.17 Social-emotional scores by use of digital devices, United States Early childhood education and care and early social-emotional skills Overall, attending early childhood education and care before the age of five has no significant relation to children’s early social-emotional learning scores Early social-emotional skills and emergent cognitive development Children’s social-emotional skills are associated with their emergent literacy and numeracy skills after accounting for socio-economic status. Figure 5.18 Percentage of the variation in emergent literacy and numeracy scores explained by social-emotional skills and socio-economic status, United States Figure 5.19 Percentage of the variation in self-regulation scores explained by social-emotional skills and socio-economic status, United States Summary References Notes Chapter 6. Summary and conclusions Early learning in the United States There is room for improvement in the early learning of young children in the United States, particularly in the cognitive subdomains Girls display higher levels of emergent literacy and social-emotional skills than boys, but there are no gender differences in emergent numeracy or self-regulation Children’s IELS scores vary considerably by socio-economic background, but the United States is faring better at achieving equity along racial and ethnic lines Five-year-olds in the United States come from linguistically diverse homes and have different linguistic repertoires Parents are important sources of information about their children’s learning and their activities at home are associated with their children’s early skills ECEC attendance is associated with higher emergent literacy and numeracy scores, regardless of socio-economic status, but disadvantaged children are less likely to attend References Note ANNEX A. Technical note Assessment methods Participation rates Table A.1 Response rates for IELS, by informant and country Quality assurance Note