دانلود کتاب Reconstruction and Resumption in Indirect A‘-Dependencies: On the Syntax of Prolepsis and Relativization in (Swiss) German and Beyond

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Preface\nContents\n1 Introduction\n2 The syntax of relativization\n 2.1 Relative clauses – basic facts\n 2.1.1 Definition\n 2.1.2 Typological parameters of variation\n 2.2 Analyses of relative clauses\n 2.2.1 The connectivity problem\n 2.2.2 The modification problem\n 2.3 The head raising analysis\n 2.3.1 Arguments for head raising\n 2.3.2 Vergnaud (1974)\n 2.3.3 Kayne (1994)\n 2.3.4 Bianchi (1999, 2000)\n 2.3.5 de Vries (2002)\n 2.3.6 Bhatt (2002)\n 2.3.7 Henderson (2007)\n 2.3.8 Donati and Cecchetto (2011), Cecchetto and Donati (2015)\n 2.3.9 Raising and uniform derivations\n 2.3.10 Intermediate summary: the raising analysis – pros and cons\n 2.4 The matching analysis\n 2.4.1 Motivation: non-reconstruction\n 2.4.2 The matching analysis and reconstruction\n 2.4.3 One or two structures for relativization?\n 2.5 In favor of the matching analysis\n 2.5.1 General advantages\n 2.5.2 Different\r types of relative clauses and uniform derivations\n 2.5.3 Reconstruction\n 2.5.4 Intermediate summary: the matching analysis\n 2.6 Summary\n3 The syntax of resumption\n 3.1 Movement or base-generation?\n 3.1.1 Two types of resumption languages\n 3.1.2 Further movement diagnostics\n 3.1.3 Movement approaches\n 3.2 Distribution of gaps and resumptives\n 3.2.1 Resumptives in dierent A-constructions\n 3.2.2 Accessibility hierarchy\n 3.2.3 Optionality vs. complementary distribution\n 3.2.4 Resumptives, semantic types and adjuncts\n 3.2.5 The resumptive pronoun parameter\n 3.3 Summary\n4 Prolepsis – an alternative to long A-movement\n 4.1 Long A-movement in German\n 4.2 A first hypothesis: base-generation + anaphoric binding\n 4.2.1 Arguments for a base-position in the matrix clause\n 4.2.2 Arguments for an anaphoric dependency\n 4.3 Evidence against argumenthood + anaphoric binding\n 4.3.1 Absence of lexical restrictions\n 4.3.2 Obligatoriness of the coreferential element\n 4.3.3 Evidence for the presence of an A-dependency\n 4.3.4 In favor of resumption\n 4.4 Analysis: predication and ellipsis\n 4.4.1 The CP-complement as a predicate\n 4.4.2 Selective reconstruction by means of ellipsis\n 4.4.3 Scope\n 4.4.4 The necessity of resumption\n 4.4.5 Restricting prolepsis\n 4.5 Possible extensions\n 4.5.1 Prolepsis in other languages\n 4.5.2 Similar constructions\n 4.6 Summary\n5 Swiss German relative clauses\n 5.1 Basic facts\n 5.1.1 The general form of relative clauses in Swiss German\n 5.1.2 Further empirical details\n 5.2 Movement diagnostics\n 5.2.1 Locality\n 5.2.2 Strong crossover eects\n 5.2.3 Reconstruction eects\n 5.2.4 In favor of base-generation\n 5.3 Matching effects\n 5.4 Local relativization: resumption as a last resort\n 5.4.1 Asymmetries between local and long-distance relativization\n 5.4.2 The distribution of resumptives\n 5.4.3 The syntax of local relativization: summary\n 5.5 Long-distance relativization: an instance of prolepsis\n 5.5.1 Long relativization as aboutness relativization\n 5.5.2 Further arguments for a prolepsis reanalysis\n 5.5.3 Implementing prolepsis in Swiss German\n 5.6 Summary\n6 Conclusion\nBibliography\nIndex