Third Person Reference in Late Latin: Demonstratives, Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae

دانلود کتاب Third Person Reference in Late Latin: Demonstratives, Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae

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کتاب مرجع سوم شخص به زبان لاتین متأخر: موارد نمایشی، مقالات معین و ضمایر شخصی در سفرنامه Egeriae نسخه زبان اصلی

دانلود کتاب مرجع سوم شخص به زبان لاتین متأخر: موارد نمایشی، مقالات معین و ضمایر شخصی در سفرنامه Egeriae بعد از پرداخت مقدور خواهد بود
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توضیحاتی در مورد کتاب Third Person Reference in Late Latin: Demonstratives, Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae

نام کتاب : Third Person Reference in Late Latin: Demonstratives, Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae
عنوان ترجمه شده به فارسی : مرجع سوم شخص به زبان لاتین متأخر: موارد نمایشی، مقالات معین و ضمایر شخصی در سفرنامه Egeriae
سری : Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs [TiLSM]; 288
نویسندگان :
ناشر : De Gruyter Mouton
سال نشر : 2015
تعداد صفحات : 382
ISBN (شابک) : 9783110401943 , 9783110378368
زبان کتاب : English
فرمت کتاب : pdf
حجم کتاب : 13 مگابایت



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فهرست مطالب :


Contents\nAcknowledgements\n1. Introduction\n 1.1 Previous Research\n 1.1.1 The Nature of Demonstratives, Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns\n 1.1.2 The Interrelationship between the Demonstratives in Late Latin\n 1.1.4.2 On the Rise of the Personal Pronoun\n 1.1.4.3 Ipse – ‘barbarisme à la seconde puissance’?\n 1.1.4.4 Why Ille was Eventually the Preferred Definite Article / Personal Pronoun\n 1.1.5 Causal Factors behind the Changes of Ille and Ipse\n 1.1.6 Research Questions\n 1.1.6.1 Theoretical Issues\n 1.1.6.2 The Interrelationship between the Referring Expressions\n 1.1.6.3 Are Ille and Ipse Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae?\n 1.1.6.4 How did Ille/Ipse Become Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns?\n 1.1.6.5 The Causes behind the Changes\n2. Theoretical Foundations\n 2.1 Definiteness\n 2.1.1 Definiteness as Uniqueness\n 2.1.2 Definiteness as Familiarity\n 2.1.2.1 Familiarity in Heim’s (1982) File Change Semantics\n 2.1.3 Definiteness as Inclusiveness\n 2.1.4 Definiteness as Identifiability\n 2.1.4.1 Lyons (1999): The Grammaticalisation of Identifiability\n 2.1.5 Evaluation of the Proposals: Definiteness as the Identifiability of Discourse Referents\n 2.2 Accessibility and the Choice of Referring Expression\n 2.2.1 The Variables Determining Accessibility\n 2.2.1.1 Givenness Status\n 2.2.1.2 Distance to the Antecedent\n 2.2.1.3 Antecedent within the Current Frame/Sequence/Paragraph?\n 2.2.1.4 Animacy\n 2.2.1.5 Antecedent Topicality\n 2.2.1.6 Syntactic Function of the Antecedent\n 2.2.1.7 Form of the Antecedent\n 2.2.1.8 The Type of Clause in which the Antecedent Occurs\n 2.2.2 Other Variables that May Influence the Choice of Referring Expression\n 2.2.2.1 Competitors to the Role of Antecedent\n 2.2.2.2 Type of Head Noun in the Anaphoric Noun Phrase\n 2.2.2.3 Syntactic Function of the Anaphor\n 2.2.2.4 Topicality of the Anaphor\n 2.2.2.5 Backward and Forward Saliency\n 2.2.3 Correlations between Accessibility and Various Referring Expressions\n 2.2.4 Accessibility and Grice’s Maxim of Quantity\n 2.3 Definite Articles, Personal Pronouns and Demonstratives\n 2.3.1 Definite Articles\n 2.3.2 Personal Pronouns\n 2.3.2.1 A Note on Null Pronouns\n 2.3.3 Demonstratives\n 2.3.4 When has a Demonstrative Become a Definite Article or a Personal Pronoun?\n 2.4 Intensifiers\n 2.5 Summary\n3. Methods and Data Extraction\n 3.1 The PROIEL Corpus\n 3.1.1 Text Selection\n 3.1.3.4 The Topic Guesser\n4. Full NPs, Overt Pronominal Forms and Null Pronouns\n 4.1 A Restriction on pro\n 4.2 Non-Anaphoric Uses\n 4.2.1 New Referents\n 4.2.2 ANCHORED Referents\n 4.2.3 Inferable Referents\n 4.2.4 Generally Known and Generic Referents\n 4.2.5 Referents that are Present in the Immediate Situation\n 4.3 Anaphoric Uses\n 4.3.1 The Choice between the Subject Anaphors\n 4.3.1.1 Form of the Antecedent\n 4.3.1.2 Syntactic function of the Antecedent\n 4.3.1.3 Antecedent Topicality\n 4.3.1.4 Topicality of the Anaphor Itself\n 4.3.1.5 Animacy\n 4.3.1.6 The type of Clause in which the Antecedent Occurs\n 4.3.1.7 The Presence or Absence of Competing Referents\n 4.3.1.8 Distance to the Antecedent\n 4.3.1.9 Summary and Discussion of the Data\n 4.3.2 The Choice between the Non-Subject Anaphors\n 4.3.2.1 Form of the Antecedent\n 4.3.2.2 Syntactic Function of the Antecedent\n 4.3.2.3 Topicality of the Antecedent and the Anaphor\n 4.3.2.4 Animacy\n 4.3.2.5 The Type of Clause in which the Antecedent Occurs\n 4.3.2.6 The Presence or Absence of Competing Referents\n 4.3.2.7 Distance to the Antecedent\n 4.3.2.8 Summary of the non-Subject Anaphors and Discussion of the Data\n 4.3.3 Differences between the First and Second Part of the Itinerarium Egeriae\n 4.4 Summary\n5. High Accessibility Markers: Pronominal Forms\n 5.1 Is Pronominal Ipse an Intensifier in the Itinerarium Egeriae?\n 5.2 A Note on Is\n 5.3 Non-Anaphoric Uses of the Pronominal Forms\n 5.3.1 New Referents\n 5.3.2 ANCHORED Referents\n 5.3.3 Inferable Referents\n 5.3.4 Referents that are Present in the Immediate Situation\n 5.4 Anaphoric Uses of the Pronominal Forms\n 5.4.1 The Choice between the Pronominal Subject Anaphors\n 5.4.1.1 Form of the Antecedent\n 5.4.1.2 Syntactic Function of the Antecedent\n 5.4.1.3 Antecedent Topicality\n 5.4.1.4 Anaphor Topicality\n 5.4.1.5 Animacy\n 5.4.1.6 The Type of Clause in which the Antecedent Occurs\n 5.4.1.7 Position in the Anaphoric Chain\n 5.4.1.8 Tendency of the Referent to be Picked up in the Later Discourse\n 5.4.1.9 Distance to the Antecedent\n 5.4.1.10 The Presence or Absence of Competing Referents\n 5.4.1.11 Summing up the Pronominal Subject Anaphors\n 5.4.2 The Choice between the Pronominal non-Subject Anaphors\n 5.4.2.1 Form of the Antecedent\n 5.4.2.2 Syntactic Function of the Antecedent\n 5.4.2.3 Syntactic Function of the Anaphor\n 5.4.2.4 Antecedent Topicality\n 5.4.2.5 Anaphor Topicality\n 5.4.2.6 Animacy\n 5.4.2.7 The Type of Clause in which the Antecedent Occurs\n 5.4.2.8 Position in the Anaphoric Chain\n 5.4.2.9 Tendency of the Referent to be Picked up in the Later Discourse\n 5.4.2.10 Distance to the Antecedent\n 5.4.2.11 The Presence or Absence of Competing Referents\n 5.4.2.12 Summing Up the Pronominal non-Subject Anaphors\n 5.5 Are Ille and Ipse Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae?\n 5.5.1 Anaphoric Ille and Ipse\n 5.5.1.1 Antecedent in the Same Sentence\n 5.5.1.2 Antecedent in the Previous Sentence\n 5.5.1.3 Antecedent Further Away\n 5.5.2 Non-Anaphoric Ille and Ipse\n 5.5.3 On the Context of Origin of the Personal Pronouns\n 5.6 Differences between Part One and Part Two of the Text\n 5.7 Summary\n6. Low Accessibility Markers: Full NPs\n 6.1 Is Adnominal Ipse an Intensifier in the Itinerarium Egeriae?\n 6.2 Non-Anaphoric Uses of the Full NPs\n 6.2.1 New Referents\n 6.2.2 ANCHORED Referents\n 6.2.3 Inferable Referents\n 6.2.4 Generally Known Referents\n 6.2.5 Generic Referents\n 6.2.6 Referents that are Present in the Immediate Situation\n 6.2.7 Are Ille and Ipse Definite Articles in their Non-Anaphoric Uses?\n 6.3 Anaphoric Use of the Full NPs\n 6.3.1 Animacy Status PLACE, TIME and CONCRETE in Part One\n 6.3.1.1 Antecedent Topicality\n 6.3.1.2 Anaphor Topicality\n 6.3.1.3 Syntactic Function of the Anaphor\n 6.3.1.4 Form of the Antecedent\n 6.3.2 Interim Summary\n 6.3.2.1 Ipse NPs\n 6.3.2.2 Ille NPs\n 6.3.2.3 Hic NPs\n 6.3.2.4 Idem NPs\n 6.3.2.5 Is NPs\n 6.3.3 Possible Reasons for the Tendency of PLACE/TIME/CONCRETE to Show Demonstrative NPs in Part One\n 6.3.3.1 Are there Other Types of Referents in the Other Animacy Categories?\n 6.3.3.2 Animacy Status = TIME: Demonstratives as Tracking Devices\n 6.3.3.3 Animacy Status = PLACE/CONCRETE: Demonstratives as Emotional Devices / Discourse Prominence Markers\n 6.3.4 Animacy Status PLACE, TIME and CONCRETE in Part Two\n 6.3.5 Animacy Status Other than PLACE, TIME or CONCRETE\n 6.3.6 Differences between Part One and Part Two of the Text\n 6.3.6.1 Why does TIME show More Demonstrative NPs in Part One than in Part Two?\n 6.3.6.2 Why do the Animacy Categories other than TIME Show More Demonstrative NPs in Part One?\n 6.4 On Ille NPs and Ipse NPs as Heads of Restrictive Relative Clauses\n 6.5 On the Contexts of Origin of the Definite Articles\n 6.6 Summary\n7. Conclusions\n 7.1 The Interrelationship between the Third Person Referring Expressions\n 7.1.1 An Accessibility Hierarchy of the Referring Expressions\n 7.1.2 Are Ille and Ipse Synonymous in the Itinerarium Egeriae?\n 7.2 Are Ille and Ipse Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns in the Itinerarium Egeriae?\n 7.3 How did Ille and Ipse Develop into Definite Articles and Personal Pronouns?\n 7.3.1 Did Ipse Develop into a Personal Pronoun and Definite Article through a Demonstrative Stage?\n 7.3.2 Why was Ille Eventually the Preferred Definite Article and Personal Pronoun?\n 7.4 On the Proposed Causes behind the Changes\n 7.5 Is Egeria’s Latin Representative for Fourth Century Latin?\n 7.6 Some Theoretical Implications for Accessibility and Referring Expressions\n 7.6.1 Accessibility and the Variables Determining Accessibility\n 7.6.2 Correlations between Accessibility and the Various Expressions\n 7.7 Directions for Further Research\nBibliography\nIndex




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